As Thanksgiving approaches, for Americans our thoughts naturally turn to turkey.  But since this is an arms control blog, our thoughts turn to Turkey — the country.

The United States is pressing Turkey on the issue of missile defense at the Lisbon Summit, leading my colleague at MIIS, Jessica Varnum, to wonder whether this is such a clever idea.

Musings on Turkey in the Run-up to Thanksgiving: Part 1

“If it is no feast or celebration, then why did my brother-in-law kiss me?”

I was rather taken aback when a male Turkish colleague grinningly conveyed this to me during a visit, last month, to Istanbul.  I laughed (mostly in confusion), soon to understand he was referring to the “gift” of missile defenses generously pressed on Turkey by its ally (or should that be brother-in-law), the United States.  This gem of a Turkish idiom essentially conveys the suspicion that the giver of an unexpected gift or favor may be motivated by a hidden agenda.  The not-so-hidden agenda would appear to be the U.S. expectation that Turkey will sabotage its relations with Iran by hosting radar stations on its territory for the new NATO system. “Don’t look a gift horse in the mouth” may not be apt should the horse be Trojan.

While the United States is pursuing the missile defense system for anything but nefarious purposes—Iran is a threat and Turkey is adjacent to Iran—the U.S. government may be sacrificing one interest in favor of other more important interests if it chooses to continue to press Turkey into accepting the radar stations, and refuses to entertain other Turkish requests designed to decrease the proposed NATO system’s political costs.

Ongoing discussions between the United States and Turkey over whether Turkey will veto the proposed NATO missile shield at the upcoming summit, whether if accepted the system will base radar stations in Turkey, and other related concerns, have become something of a litmus test for the future of relations between Turkey and the West—or as a senior U.S. official recently put it to The Daily Telegraph, “Essentially we’ve told Turkey that missile-defence is an acid test of its commitment to the collective security arrangements it has with its western allies.”  Turkey has walked a fine line on the issue, as evinced in Foreign Minister Davutoglu’s October 31 remarks.  While it appears the Turks will not veto the proposed system, the devil is truly in the details. Ankara ‘s most recent gambit has been to attempt to co-opt the proposed system from within by insisting that a NATO system with radar stations on Turkish territory fall under a Turkish commander’s control.  Don’t mistake recent Turkish statements for a change of heart—they’re damage control plain and simple.  If they have to accept NATO missile defense, the Turks want to be certain it does as little harm to their strategic interests as possible.

While pressuring Turkey to accept the system’s existence may be necessary, is it wise for the United States to box a vital ally into a corner over the issue of radar stations, when other viable options exist for positioning the radar?  The missile defense system may never work particularly well anyway, and a “yes” from Turkey would have serious negative consequences for its domestic and regional politics.  Shouldn’t the alliance also consider providing Turkey some political cover by at least pretending the system isn’t directed at Iran?  Unsurprisingly, the Turks wonder this too.  A few years ago the political climate may have been ripe for placing Turkey at the center of an Iran-oriented missile shield, but regional politics have changed considerably.  As Foreign Minister Davutoglu asserted, “NATO should exclude any formula that confronts Turkey with a group of countries in its threat definitions and planning. … We do not want a Cold War zone or psychology around us.” While Turkey remains committed to its relationships with the United States and NATO, it also values its uniquely constructive relationship with Iran.  The proposed NATO missile defense system is therefore no precious gift.

Why should the United States care about—much less enable—Turkey’s positive relations with Iran?  Because you can’t negotiate with someone you don’t talk to, and over whom you possess very little leverage.  While the attempted fuel-swap deal back-fired, Turkey may yet prove important as a mediator between the West and Iran.  And because it is unclear that NATO missile defense is worth the price of the likely damage to U.S.-Turkish relations. Stuck in the unenviable position of sharing a border with Iran, beholden to Tehran for a large percentage of its energy supply needs, vulnerable to the possibility of a refugee crisis should its neighbor destabilize, and within easy striking distance of Iranian military power should the relationship take a fatally wrong turn, Turkey’s cost-benefit equation concerning negative relations with Iran is understandably much heavier on the costs side than are those of its geographically more distant Western allies.